Self or other? This dilemma is at the heart of so much political decision-making and yet politicians continue to pretend that we can have it all – unfettered individualism and huge income disparities alongside good social outcomes and a strong society. My new report for Compass argues that the evidence shows otherwise and that we urgently need a new social ethic that goes far beyond self-realisation, which appeals to people’s moral sense and concern for others. The good news is that we will all be the beneficiaries.
The political spotlight is once again on the question of whether or not egalitarianism is the right goal for Labour and social mobility a useful policy vehicle and aim. Recently, John Denham’s speech to the Fabian Society, James Purnell’s Open Left project and Alan Milburn’s report on fair access to the professions have all fuelled a sometimes acrimonious debate that goes to the very heart of what Labour seeks to stand for.
‘In Pursuit of Egalitarianism’ argues that Labour should be bold and proud in championing an egalitarianism fit for our times. It points out that equality and freedom are two sides of the same coin. To be sufficiently free we must be sufficiently equal, but too many people simply do not have the resources to make free choices, realise their full potential and make up for the brute bad luck of birth – the condition of their body and mind, and the economic circumstances of their parents. Society therefore has a moral duty to intervene through measures that bring about sufficient equality to ensure that everyone’s freedom is maximised.
In their second term, New Labour co-opted the notion of social mobility as the measure and goal of a fair society, generating a certain amount of dismay among those who maintain that as social mobility is about meritocracy, it offers the narrowest possible definition of fairness. Meritocracy fails to create a more just society because at best it is about removing obstacles from the paths of those who have the energy and luck to be able to make the most of their talents, and at worst it is about social Darwinism, the survival of the fittest and the demise of the rest.
In a meritocracy the strategies and resources, self-belief and social capital available to the better-off mean that the social ladder will never operate justly. What is more, even if the ladder could be made to ‘work’ properly, it fails to provide us with the right moral template for our social and economic relationships. The Compass report argues that the meritocratic principle:
* As a distributive mechanism, undermines equal worth.
* Promotes a hegemony of middle-class living and values.
* Damages community by a dogmatic focus on individual advancement.
* Is not concerned with happiness and emotional wellbeing.
* Requires and legitimises a level of inequality that harms us all.
Social justice must go so much deeper than simply clearing the way for those who are able and tenacious. It is above all about how we look after those who may have less to contribute, who encounter bad luck or who simply make mistakes – factors that public policy can seek to mitigate but will never eliminate. They may be teenage mothers, care leavers, repeat offenders or refugees; they may have long-term health problems, learning difficulties or drug-related problems; they may be homeless or in abusive relationships. Or they may quite simply have fewer inherited abilities, having to work ten or twenty times harder at things that come easily to others. These groups have become increasingly neglected and neither coercion and exhortation nor a social mobility narrative that turns on equal opportunity will help them. For an approach that focuses on opportunities and not on the human condition cannot speak to those for whom lack of opportunity is not in fact the chief problem.
The Compass report proposes equality of freedom as a rallying point for all social democrats. The freedom talked about in this context goes beyond traditional notions of liberty and embraces all aspects of the material and emotional wellbeing of the individual. In other words, it is about the freedom to flourish, to be unique, and to be happy, as well as the freedom to use all your talents to achieve your potential. Among other things, this notion of equality of freedom helps to illuminate the importance of diversity in equality, of individual paths alongside shared responsibility, and, significantly, to make clear that equality is about raising not lowering the common denominators. It suggests that inequality works against positive freedoms by creating a hierarchical society that encourages competition and individualism, and that prejudices life chances, stifles diversity, and undermines healthy human relationships.
Equality of freedom compels us to think not only about why some freedoms are beyond the reach of so many from the day they come into this world when for others they are received as a birthright, but also about why a sense of freedom eludes many on higher incomes despite material security. Above all, it points to the good society we all seek and provides a distinct, far-reaching and hope-filled expression of Labour’s core values – equality, solidarity, democracy and inclusion.
We have become dangerously unaware of the fact that the destinies of the weakest are inextricably bound up with our own. The ‘them’ is unavoidably part of the ‘us’. It is not only that the mortification of the poor diminishes us, as individuals and as a society, but also that it materially affects us – contributing to alienation and a whole host of poor social outcomes. Redistribution and collective responsibility are therefore not zero-sum games where the more we share with others the less we have for ourselves. They are ways of living and of being that mean we are all better off.
Patience will be required. After the war, it took 30 years of progressive social and economic policies to produce a significantly more equal society in Britain. Since 1979, it has taken a further 30 years to see that progress undone and inequalities reach new heights. We should therefore expect it to take at least another 30 years of cultural and political battle, innovative policy ideas and coalition-building to set our society on a radically different and better course.
Dowload the Compass report In Pursuit of Egalitarianism here.
Delicious
Digg
Reddit
Facebook
StumbleUpon
A free market needs regulation to keep it free - the LSE do a pretty good job of regulating the trading of listed companies. They ensure the free and fair flow of information, prevent abuse (insider trading etc) etc. What they (quite rightly) *dont* do is have any to do with fixing the price of shares. The state has a role in ensuring honesty, openness and fairness - but 'deals' are entirely down to the participants.
At one end monopoly is a bad at the other end artificially keeping poor companies going is bad - both damage the market.
If the opportunity is there and someone chooses not to take it, that is entirely their choice and their problem - can't be bothered to eat? fine, starve.
Every regulation the government put in place is a barrier to entry so damages competition and so is bad for the market -- some regulations are necessary, but there must be as *few* as possible.
I see the philosophical argument that we are responsible to/for only who we choose to be - but surely in practical terms, because some markets tend towards monopoly and polarisation, you end up losing a lot of talent in the bottom 20%. Also perhaps a non-meritocratic top end, tho that is more contentious.
I'm just asking out of curiousity.
There seems to be plenty of people who don't read or judge these things directly, they just 'follow the herd' - so if you don't kick up a stink and point out all the flaws and make some noise, then these people, on seeing no fuss, will assume that "it can't be that bad then" and then vote for it!
I think we are much of the same mind. I'm for trying to improve the opportunities for kids at the bottom of the pile, but I can't see the point of doing more of the same things that have been failing for years. And I think it's stupid to think the answer always lies with money, ie taking more and spending more.
I was hoping for fresh ideas and thinking about efficiency in the system from the report, but alas such things seem in pretty short supply everywhere.
In the list of 12 points, I was particularly thrown by:
"a system founded on the principle of pupil entitlement, using banding based on the ability range in an area"
Unless I'm missing something, banding based on ability range would be to some extent meritocratic and therefore contrary to Rebecca's aims. Ho hum.
We are of the same mind on this then.
Actually, the 12 points are not mine, they're from the report. I read the report and cut and pasted them here because I thought Rebecca's argument was pointless without seeing how she thought a government might achieve it.
Personally I find all 12 ridiculous.
element of three months for fathers."
More incentive for employers not to employ women of child bearing age then.
"3 Ensure that overall benefit levels for children of low-income families, in and out of work, increase faster
than average earnings."
So a great incentive to sit on benefits and have children, not that we have a problem with that now do we?
"5 Standardise school status, including the abolition of all remaining grammar schools, halting the academies
programme and private sector involvement in running schools, and outlawing special admissions policies
for faith schools."
So just more comprehensives, because that has worked to great effect over the last 20 years hasn't it? In areas where the public want grammar schools you'll just impose from the top? Local democracy take a back seat we ahve a new 5 year plan on its way.
"6 End charitable status for private schools, and redirect the £100 million saving into the state sector."
All you'll do is put up fees which parents will still pay and ensure there is no need for private schools to share facilities with anyone else.
"9 Lower the level at which the new 50 per cent tax rate kicks in, from £150,000 to £100,000, and introduce
a minimum rate of tax for all those earning above this amount to ensure they do not benefit dispropor-
tionately from tax reliefs and allowances."
and wave goodbye to a large amout of talent that in this global marketplace can take their skills elsewhere, as I already see from the IT consultants I employ.
"10 Crack down on tax avoidance and tax evasion, including abolishing the domicile rule and leading interna-
tional efforts to eradicate tax havens."
and watch a lot of wealthy foriengers leave taking their capital with them. Then it seems yuo'll get heavy handed with independent countries, bullying them to adopt your high tax regime? Perhaps you could invade them or make up a dossier about them?
"11 Tighten the definition of what can be treated as ‘capital gain’ in business and financial transactions, ensuring
that take-home windfalls on big deals are subject to income tax not capital gains tax rates (50 per cent,
rather than 18 per cent)."
and watch investment capital flow out of the UK to more favourable tax regmimes. This is a reality of international finance, something even Brown and Darling understand
"12 Shift the burden of inheritance tax so that it falls on the beneficiaries of bequests (under capital gains tax
rules) rather than on the estate, thereby increasing incentives to disperse wealth."
So every wealthy individual gives his wealth to his kids early, sets up trusts and moves abroad. Pretty much as now. Personally I'd sooner burn all my wealth than hand it over to the state.
All these policies are fantastic if you want to ensure capital, talent and investment runs out from the UK double quick. I think they'd be no doubt in my mind and most of the consultants I know, we'd move abroad to work asap.
I suppose your next step would be to ty to stop us leaving or maybe limit the capital we could take out of the UK? International financial pariah status coming up shortly after.
Fantastic plan B Bendle, I commend you.
Seriously what a pile of ultra left wing nonsense.
Go for it and get decimated at the ballot box.
As I was curious to see how Rebecca felt her aims might be achieved, I had a look at the report and found twelve policy proposals. Big tax increases, more state spending, predictably enough. Still thinking it's all to do with money, proving Guy right (below). To save you looking, here they are:
1 Entitle all new parents to at least eighteen months paid transferable parental leave, with a ring-fenced
element of three months for fathers.
2 Allocate significant additional resourcing for the roll-out of Sure Start children’s centres, in order to
increase their capacity to identify and take services to families most in need.
3 Ensure that overall benefit levels for children of low-income families, in and out of work, increase faster
than average earnings.
4 Abandon the fiction of parental choice and create a system founded on the principle of pupil entitlement,
using banding based on the ability range in an area.
5 Standardise school status, including the abolition of all remaining grammar schools, halting the academies
programme and private sector involvement in running schools, and outlawing special admissions policies
for faith schools.
6 End charitable status for private schools, and redirect the £100 million saving into the state sector.
7 Abolish university tuition fees and introduce a graduate solidarity tax.
8 Introduce a living wage, a minimum wage based on an analysis of the actual income required for an
adequate standard of living, bringing more people out of poverty, reducing dependence on in-work benefits
and helping to ensure that work always pays.
9 Lower the level at which the new 50 per cent tax rate kicks in, from £150,000 to £100,000, and introduce
a minimum rate of tax for all those earning above this amount to ensure they do not benefit dispropor-
tionately from tax reliefs and allowances.
10 Crack down on tax avoidance and tax evasion, including abolishing the domicile rule and leading interna-
tional efforts to eradicate tax havens.
11 Tighten the definition of what can be treated as ‘capital gain’ in business and financial transactions, ensuring
that take-home windfalls on big deals are subject to income tax not capital gains tax rates (50 per cent,
rather than 18 per cent).
12 Shift the burden of inheritance tax so that it falls on the beneficiaries of bequests (under capital gains tax
rules) rather than on the estate, thereby increasing incentives to disperse wealth.
So says the supporter of the side who receives the "redistribution".
I am better off keeping my money away from your redistribution and refusing to involve myself with your "collective responsibility".
The only way you can involve me in this is through force and theft, so why not be honest and stop trying to con me and others with flowery mistalk.
But it all comes down to money, to your mind it is intrinsically unfair fo me to work to acquire substantially more wealth than someone else.
To my mind that is perectly fair as I get the benefit of my endeavours and I wish to keep as much of it as possible.
Take much of ir away and 40% plus is "much" and there ceases to be an incentive. I am not here to work for someone else down the road or your "greater good", I am here to work for myself and my family.
Not that the Progress mob are much better.
It's another Think Tank wonk telling us what we should do without bothering to explain how.
And dash it all. Dead in accordance with that think tanks general world view. What a surprise.
I'd treat their ideas seriously if there wasn't always the impression that they'd decided on the conclusion before starting the study.
They could save themselves a lot of time and money by just publishing their conclusions without bothering to spend any time 'thinking' about it first.
Where? When? Practical, successful examples please. USSR? Cuba? N.Korea? In each redistributive, collectivised system, the intelligent and hard-working do the minimum required of them by the system and devote the rest of their talents and energy to obtaining more for themselves and their families either in the black economy or by working their ticket in the Party. Power and wealth still get concentrated but by different means. It's called human nature.